Political prisoner. Political prisoners in Russia list of political prisoners in Russia. present time

Are there political prisoners in Russia? Not just defendants under some sort of fraud type article brought up as a pretext. No, do we have pure political people, those who are openly in prison for politics?

Yes, there are.

Three young people - RBC journalist Alexander Sokolov, "civil activists" Kirill Barabash and Valery Parfyonov, and an elderly publicist Yuri Mukhin.

Recently, when Chechen women in Voronezh were offended by the police, the Chechens were immediately defended by the head Chechen Republic, and the Voronezh governor hastened to apologize. And who from the federal government will stand up for the rights of Russian people who are humiliated and persecuted? Where is this official? It doesn't matter what position: minister, deputy prime minister, governor... And it doesn't matter what views: the most liberal or the most patriotic.

There are also innocent people sitting in the hall. Zero reaction. Quiet goodness of faces.

Sokolov, Barabash, Parfyonov, Mukhin are accused of having started an initiative group to hold a "referendum on the responsibility of the authorities", that is, on the accountability of officials to the population. They proposed to evaluate the activities of managers at all levels upon the expiration of their powers. The essence of a completely theoretical (and, of course, utopian) project: during each election, a voter should receive, in addition to the usual ballot, an assessment sheet of previous elects. With three columns: “Worthy of reward”, “Worthy of punishment”, “Leave unchanged”.

This absurd in our conditions, touching initiative turned out to be "extremism". People are paying for the very idea of ​​a referendum with years of imprisonment!

The guys have been sitting in Matrosskaya Tishina for two years already!

Now the state prosecutor is asking the court to sentence Sokolov, Barabash and Parfenov to 4 years in the camp, Mukhin to 4.5 years.

The case of Mukhin is especially colorful. Yuri Ignatievich in the 90s published the Duel discussion newspaper, popular in the left-patriotic environment, underground, but formulating everything that later became the television mainstream. Only the mainstream is fake, and honest and free patriots are superfluous. "Duel" is closed and banned, and it was decided to "close" its editor as well.

Moreover, they took Mukhin, a resident of Moscow, in the Crimea, as if in a mockery of those who, with childish gullibility, decided that not only the Crimea, but also the Kremlin was “ours”. I arrived with my wife in Sevastopol, went to the beach, undressed to my swimming trunks; a capture group swooped in, twisted, snapped the handcuffs, did not let him call his wife, who was going crazy with the unknown, they were taken by plane to Moscow to prison ...

My God, and after all, someone developed this plan to track down and capture a “especially dangerous” publicist and historian who had already survived heart attacks!

A classic example of the alienation of the state from society as such, because, I have no doubt, Zakhar Prilepin and Dmitry Bykov, Alexander Prokhanov and Lyudmila Ulitskaya, Eduard Limonov and Boris Akunin, who were allegedly separated by an abyss, would have signed for those arrested and tried.

But there are some "others" who approved the case and started it, and are pulling it to the verdict. Because it's allowed. Such is the encouraging atmosphere.

They, who came up with a “criminal case” and arrests, accusing, preparing punishment, are not monsters, but ordinary people with families, children, love for the warm sea and barbecue in the country, humor, their ideas of honor and kindness, salad on New Year and eggs for Easter ... Probably, they consider themselves good people. They justify themselves by the fact that everyone acts the way they do, it is possible and necessary.

But do they know that they are not just “preserving stability” and not even just torturing the unfortunate prisoners, but are playing in the theater of the absurd?

By and large, those who carry out the absurd persecution are the revived book characters, creators of "conceptual art", whose ruthless banality continues the immortal plots of Kafka's "Trial" and Nabokov's "Invitation to Execution".

The final act of the everyday and crazy play - August 10 in the Tverskoy District Court of Moscow.

By the way, a characteristic manifestation of absurdity: according to the law, the accusers must change places with the accused. Article 141 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation states: “obstruction of participation in a referendum” is a criminal offence.

I will protect the innocent in spite of everything - both because it's a pity, and because it's about the country. The country is expensive. He is least of all inclined to perceive everything around negatively, but when the law is replaced by lawlessness, then there is necessarily a dead end.

"Catching a dead end" - as they say on sharp mountain turns. Capturing - sweet and alluring, supposedly saving. After all, it is such a temptation to use limitless opportunities and punish someone. Sometimes because of a trifle, to teach others a lesson ...

I don’t know, and I’m not at all curious what kind of sovereign people are behind the “exposure of terrible extremists.” Apparently, they will grow up in the service, they will receive stars. They say that they give nightmares in aggregate, for stubbornness in protest rhetoric. They also say that the defendants resumed the activity of the Army of the People’s Will society, banned in Russia, renaming it the Movement For Responsible Power, and the resumption of activity consisted in the fact that they did not abandon the idea of ​​a peaceful referendum.

AND? How and with what did they threaten "stability"? The fact that in some blog and on a little-visited site they repeated the slogan: "You have chosen - you will be the judge."

In the end, they are judged...

Sergei Shargunov, writer, State Duma deputy

Full article here

Sinitsa Vladislav Yurievich(known as a blogger with pseudonym Max Steklov) was born June 17, 1989 of the year in the city of Podolsk, Moscow region. He has a higher education in finance and credit, worked as a manager in OOO "Universal Advisor". Registered and lived in the city of Lyubertsy, Moscow Region, is not a member of parties and movements. Sentenced to 5 years imprisonment for p. "a" part 2 of article 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation(« Actions aimed at inciting hatred and enmity, on the grounds of belonging to any social group committed publicly using information and communication the Internet, with the threat of violence"). in custody with August 3, 2019.

Penza anti-fascists Dmitry Pchelintsev and Ilya Shakursky charged under Part 1 Art. 205.4 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation("Creating a terrorist community", up to life imprisonment) in the creation of the organization "Set" banned in Russia, according to the investigation, which is a terrorist anarchist association, and Maxim Ivankin, Vasily Kuksov, Mikhail Kulkov, Arman Sagynbaev and Andrey Chernov- on Part 2 Art. 205.4 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation(, up to 10 years in prison) in membership in this organization. In addition, Pchelintsev, Shakursky and Kuksov are charged with Part 1 Art. 222 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation ("Illegal possession of weapons and ammunition", up to 4 years in prison), and Ivankin, Kulkov and Chernov Part 3 Art. 30, paragraph "g" part 4 of Art. 228.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation ("Attempted to illegal sale of narcotic substances on a large scale" up to 15 years in prison). Shakursky is also accused of Part 1 Art. 222.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (, up to 5 years in prison), and Pchelintsev Part 3 Art. 30, part 2, art. 167 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation ("Attempt to intentionally destroy someone else's property out of hooligan motives", up to 3 years 9 months in prison) respectively. The accused are guarded since autumn 2017, except for Maxim Ivankin and Mikhail Kulkov, who were detained on July 4, 2018. None of the accused had previously been prosecuted.

Was born October 11, 1971 years in the city of Pavlograd, Dnepropetrovsk region of the Ukrainian SSR. Before the arrest, he did not work, he has no criminal record, he permanently lived on the territory of Ukraine in the city of Dnipro. Detained in Russia February 18, 2019 years on suspicion of committing an administrative offense. I am accused of the crime envisaged Part 1 Art. 30, part 1, art. 226.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (« Preparation for acquisition and illegal movement from the territory Russian Federation through the customs border of the Customs Union within the framework of the EurAsEC to Ukraine, military products, incl. military equipment and spare parts for it, up to 3 years 6 months in prison), was taken into custody as part of a criminal case on May 1, 2019.

Hamid Alijonovich Igamberdyev, Zafar Gaforovich Nodirov, Farhod Shukhratovich Nodirov, Otabek Rabidinovich Isomadinov, Sardorbek Abdulhamidovich Siddikov , Khidirbaev Aziz Narullaevich, Odinaev Alijon Ibrogimovich, Burkhoniddini Sobirjon, Sattorov Murodjon Abdunabievich.

Igamberdiev and Nodirovs were convicted Part 1 Art. 205.5 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (« Organization of the activities of a terrorist organization”) to 16 years old strict regime colonies. The rest were convicted Part 2 Art. 205.5 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (« Participation in the activities of a terrorist organization): Siddikov - to 12 years old strict regime, Isomadinov, Khidirbaev, Odinaev, Burkhoniddini, Sattorov - to 11 years old strict regime. All accusations are related to involvement in the activities of Hizb ut-Tahrir, an international religious and political organization that was recognized as a terrorist organization in Russia in 2003. All defendants are in custody December 6, 2016. The verdict was delivered on February 15, 2019.

To support Russian political prisoners, the SSP collected for the third quarter of 2019 602.133 rub., issued to support political prisoners and politically repressed 516.210 rub.(15 transfers to help 32 political prisoners and victims of persecution for political reasons). As of October 1, 2019, the Fund for Assistance to Political Prisoners has 869.888 rub.

Antifascists from St. Petersburg Yuli Boyarshinov, Victor Filinkov and Igor Shishkin charged with an offense under Part 2 Art. 205.4 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation ("Participation in a terrorist community", up to 10 years in prison), in connection with alleged membership in the organization "Set" banned in Russia, according to the investigation, which is a terrorist anarchist association. Boyarshinov is also accused of committing a crime under Part 1 Art. 222.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation ("Illegal possession of explosives" up to 5 years in prison). Boyarshinov, Filinkov and Shishkin are guarded from 21, 23 and 25 January 2018, respectively, after being detained by the FSB. None of the accused had previously been prosecuted.

Participants of the opposition rally on July 27, 2019 in Moscow Andrey Barshai, Danil Beglets, Aidar Gubaidulin, Vladimir Emelyanov, Egor Zhukov, Kirill Zhukov, Evgeny Kovalenko, Egor Lesnykh, Eduard Malyshevsky, Maxim Martintsov,Alexander Mylnikov,Ivan Podkopaev, Samariddin Rajabov and Nikita Chirtsov within the framework of one criminal case, they were unreasonably accused of participating in mass riots, violence against security forces and preparing such violence. Egor Zhukov, Vladimir Yemelyanov and Alexander Mylnikov sentenced to suspended sentences, Aidar Gubaidulin October 17, 2019 left Russia, the rest - guarded in a pre-trial detention center or in a general regime colony.

In AI terminology, a political prisoner is any prisoner who has a significant political element in his case. This may be the motivation for the actions of the prisoner, the actions themselves, or the reasons that prompted the authorities to send him to jail. Political AI refers to any aspect of human relations that has to do with "politics", that is, with public institutions and civil order. Among them are the principles, organization and conduct of state or public affairs, their relationship with issues of language, ethnic origin, gender or religion, status and social influence (to name a few). The World Women's Movement and some others dispute this interpretation of the term "political". For them, this word means relationships in the context of power-subordination in society and the family, as well as actions to reform gender relations in this context. Strengthening AI's work on women's rights is consistent with this approach. In many countries, political prisoners are convicted in violation of international legal procedures. In some countries, they are kept in pre-trial detention without trial or investigation for years, even decades. AI requires that all political prisoners be given a fair trial within a reasonable time, consistent with the generally recognized right of prisoners to a speedy and fair trial or immediate release. When the phrase "political prisoner" is used, it refers to both prisoners of conscience and individuals who have resorted to criminal violence or who have been charged with other types of crimes, such as trespassing or damaging other people's property for political reasons. However, the movement demands the immediate and unconditional release of only prisoners of conscience. AI does not use the term "political prisoner" to refer to any special status of the detainee or to indicate that the movement has any views on the detainee's political goals. AI does not support or oppose the views of the people it campaigns for, nor does it judge the need for armed action in a political conflict. Who is considered a political prisoner? Here are some examples from practice: a participant in an armed political formation(or suspected of participation), accused of high treason or subversion; a person charged or convicted of an ordinary crime in a political context (for example, at a trade union or farmer's demonstration); a woman accused or convicted of killing a husband who beat her (especially in countries with discriminatory self-defence laws); a person who has been accused or convicted of an ordinary crime (robbery, murder) committed for political reasons, or for refusing to pay taxes for ideological reasons. Governments often claim that there are no political prisoners in their state, but only criminals convicted under ordinary criminal law. However, the organization considers cases like the above to be "political" and describes them in terms of "political case" and "political conclusion". This does not mean that AI is opposed to detention per se, except in cases where, in the opinion of the organization, the detainee is a prisoner of conscience. AI not only advocates for the interests of individual political prisoners, but also calls on governments to abolish the routine procedures by which political prisoners continue to be held in detention in the absence of any legal mechanisms to guarantee their safety.

On Friday, the issue of extending the measure of restraint in custody for the next defendants in the "bolotnaya case" - former marine Denis Lutskevich and ex-subway worker Artem u. Most likely, Savelov will also be left until March 6, like most of the others passing by during the rally on Bolotnaya Square on May 6, on the eve of the third inauguration. 18 people have already become defendants in this case, 13 of them are under arrest in Moscow prisons.

The leaders of the protests are still at large, but two of them have already faced serious charges. Against, the previously closed case on the embezzlement of the property of the State Unitary Enterprise "Kirovles" was resumed. for "preparing to organize mass riots" faces up to 10 years in prison. His associates from the "Left Front" and, who are involved in the same case, are already in, where they are accused of terrorism, espionage and crimes against state power. In another case, which resonated all over the world, three participants were convicted for the song “Mother of God, drive Putin away!” Sung in the temple: Ekaterina Samutsevich received two years probation, and sentenced to the same term, were transferred to camps in Mordovia and the Perm Territory . These are just the most high-profile cases of the current year, which would about Most of the opposition, many human rights activists and a significant part of society consider it obviously political.

“Do not confuse politics and criminality”

Those arrested in connection with the Bolotnaya case, who were contacted by Gazeta.Ru, emphasize their status as political prisoners.

“Yes, I consider myself a political prisoner,” the prisoner in jail wrote to Gazeta.Ru. - Political prisoners - prisoners as a result of a political struggle or other struggle that has an ethical basis. Prisoners who have strong political opinions for which they go to jail. These are those whom society considers political prisoners.”

Another prisoner, who also answered questions from Gazeta.Ru, also considers himself a political prisoner. In his opinion, "this category includes all those who became a victim of the will of the state power, objectionable due to their activities in the political sphere."

The “Bolotnaya case”, apart from its political content, does not contain anything, even legally: the legal side was trampled on by the authorities and the top of the punitive bodies. The purpose of the investigation was initially to collect representatives of various protest groups,” Belousov wrote, adding that, as a national democrat, he fit perfectly into the “left” company of the accused. The thesis that people from completely different social strata and sometimes with the opposite political position were detained is confirmed, according to Belousov, by the detention and subsequent arrest of the nationalist Richard. Sobolev, Belousov recalled, was not at all on Bolotnaya, and the investigation was forced to agree with this.

Another defendant in the Bolotnaya case, Artem Savelov, believes that anyone can become a political prisoner in modern Russia. “I am at a loss how I managed to become a political prisoner. In life, there were enough problems and worries to still engage in politics or participate in movements,” Savelov said in a letter to Gazeta.Ru. “Based on my experience, they (political prisoners - Gazeta.Ru) can do anyone.” According to him, it is good to talk about such lofty matters, who are political prisoners and what is the difference between them and prisoners of conscience at home over a cup of coffee. He himself would be glad to think that the “bolotnaya case” is the main political process of modern Russia and that this status will contribute to the “achievement of justice”, but “sitting here, faith in this disappears.”

Representatives of the Russian authorities, in particular deputies from, do not recognize the defendants in the cases of riots of a special status and prefer not to talk about political prisoners in principle.

“Don't confuse politics and criminality. I don't want to talk about stupid things. Any attempts to commit a crime are criminal acts, and there is no need to hide criminal offenses under the guise of a political struggle. None political activity cannot be a cover (and even more so a basis) for exemption from responsibility, ”the chairman of the security committee told Gazeta.Ru.

Her colleague on the committee and the party, who wrote a request to law enforcement agencies with a request to check the speeches of oppositionist Alexei Navalny at the December protests for extremism, explained to Gazeta.Ru that he could not name a single convict in modern Russia who could be considered political prisoners: “Not a single person from Bolotnaya Square was arrested for their position. This is a strategy to protect individuals who have committed a deliberate provocation. Detentions began not for words or slogans.”

A political prisoner, according to the deputy, can be considered a person who went to prison precisely for his position, and not for his actions. In this sense, Kostunov emphasized, a discussion is possible about the enforcement of Art. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (inciting hatred or enmity, as well as humiliation of human dignity). “But, in my opinion, the existing law enforcement practice does not allow declaring those convicted under this article as political prisoners,” the deputy concluded.

Representatives of the opposition parties have a different opinion from the ruling party. Both the liberal and the leftist Communist Party of the Russian Federation recognize the presence of political prisoners in Russia, sometimes naming the same names.

“Of course, the legislation of our country has never recognized political prisoners,” Viktor, a member of the Yabloko political committee, explained to Gazeta.Ru. In his opinion, many people who are imprisoned on a variety of charges can be considered “political”, for example, defendants in the case, including those convicted on economic articles. Of course, according to Sheinis, those arrested on charges of offenses during the march on May 6 can be recognized as political. The very legislation on rallies, the Yabloko representative believes, is unconstitutional, restricting the right to freedom of assembly. "Gangster" Sheinis also called the actions to capture and coerce Razvozzhaev to testify, which were announced by human rights activists. “A biased, biased and non-legal approach was presented in the statement of Deputy Burmatov that the methods by which Razvozzhaev’s confessions were obtained should be investigated as part of the “conspiracy case,” Yabloko noted, adding that

“As long as the courts pass unjust sentences and the country has unconstitutional laws, we will have political prisoners.”

The deputy from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the head of the legal service of the Central Committee of the party is also sure that there are political prisoners in Russia. Solovyov cited a number of examples of the criminal prosecution of communists in the regions, in particular the case of a member of the Sverdlovsk organization of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, who was convicted of participating in activities "previously existing" prohibited under Art. 282.2 of the Criminal Code for one year of imprisonment and taken into custody in the courtroom.

According to the lawyer of the Communist Party, when the security forces came to power together with the president, they began to see the opposition not as a fundamental element of civil society, but as their enemies.

The future head of the Cheka, Felix Dzerzhinsky, in the Orlovsky Central, the most severe prison for political prisoners

bookz.ru

Solovyov also sees an obvious political motive in the case of the colonel: “He has an absolutely political article: a coup d'état, the overthrow of power. And where the materials of the case are closed from us (the hearings on the Kvachkov case are held behind closed doors. - Gazeta.Ru), there are possible insinuations, all sorts of exaggerations. The MP recalled that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes "the right of the people to rebel against tyranny and oppression." “Judging by the fact that the executive branch controls the legislative branch, it is virtually impossible to hold a referendum, there is no independent court, fair elections, television is censored, Eastern tyranny has developed or is developing in the country,” the Communist Party lawyer said. “After all, the current government, which blames the opposition, also seized power, but through election fraud.”

At one time, Solovyov recalled, political prisoners were recognized as members of " People's Will”, who were forced to respond with terror to the authorities’ ban on peaceful agitation. According to the deputy, when legal methods have been exhausted, the opposition is forced to resort to protests, including those related to violations of the law. So, on May 6, offenses took place on Bolotnaya Square, of course, but they were primarily provoked: “This is a one-sided approach and hypocrisy, when the opposition is imprisoned and persecuted for the slightest violations, but the authorities can break the law.”

The deputy also complained about the "lowest level of professionalism" of the special services, including investigators of the Investigative Committee and employees.

“The kidnapping of Udaltsov’s assistant (Leonid Razvozzhaev. - Gazeta.Ru) is such a dirty and low-grade job. On the one hand, a rude, soldierly political order, on the other hand, the performers are the same "oaks," Solovyov noted.

It is also clear to him that the activists of the Left Front are being persecuted for their political views, “no matter how we treat them.”

Political prisoner on concepts

The debate about whether there are political prisoners in modern Russia or not is primarily due to confusion in the interpretation of this very concept.

GRU Colonel Vladimir Kvachkov is accused of preparing an armed rebellion. Since 2010, he has been held in the Lefortovo pre-trial detention center

ITAR-TASS

Legislation Russian Empire, for example, recognized as political prisoners both populist terrorists and participants in student demonstrations. The Soviet government also quite honestly declared repression against political opponents. So, the very appearance of the word "politzek" is associated with the creation in the early 1920s in the system of the GPU (State Political Administration under the NKVD of the RSFSR) of special prisons - political isolators designed to hold arrested members of other parties (Mensheviks, anarchists), and later members of the inner-party opposition.

The assertion that a person who has violated the Criminal Code cannot be a political prisoner is based on a confusion of the concepts of “political prisoner” and “prisoner of conscience”. The last term appeared in the 60s. It was proposed to be introduced by founder Peter Benenson in order to separate those who use non-violent methods of political struggle, and the rebels, who have also always been recognized as political.

In Russia, the concepts of "prisoner of conscience" and "political prisoner" are confused by both pro-government and opposition politicians.

Participants of thousands of protest rallies on Bolotnaya Square and Sakharov Avenue demanded from the Russian authorities the immediate release of political prisoners. The list itself, filed in, and from there in on behalf of the protesters, caused controversy among human rights activists and lawyers. The discussion of how correct it was to include certain surnames continues to this day. The decision to include individual nationalists and members of the North Caucasian underground in the list raised the most questions.

One of the leaders was among those who protested the inclusion in the list of nationalists and those convicted for the murder of a lawyer and a journalist. In his opinion, the arguments of their defense about the innocence of the defendants were refuted during the trial, including by the lawyers of the victims. Therefore, Cherkasov is sure, in this case we are talking about the murder of an ideological enemy, unarmed and not possessing powers of authority.

“The political motive for a murder does not in itself make a person a political prisoner,” Cherkasov explained.

The human rights activist drew an analogy with the concept of a prisoner of war and a war criminal. International law distinguishes between a soldier who fought with weapons in his hands against an armed enemy, and a military man who committed crimes against civilians. As an example, Cherkasov named one of the leaders of illegal armed groups in Ingushetia. He announced everything Russian population Ingushetia allowed military purpose, after which the forces under his control began to methodically destroy the non-Ingush population on the territory of the republic.

More complicated, according to the human rights activist, is the situation with 58 accused of the attack on Nalchik in 2005. The TV presenter, Cherkasov said, suggested including all of them in the list of political prisoners, which was compiled by the organizers of the protest rallies. “However, the prisoners of the Nalchik pre-trial detention center, as far as I know, for some reason did not want to sign this letter. Do they need such a status, will it be harmful? asked Cherkasov. Many of the defendants in this case generally consider themselves accidental victims of an indiscriminate operation of the special services.

Maksim Gromov is a National Bolshevik convicted of taking over the Ministry of Health in 2004. 162 days spent in a punishment cell

medved-magazine.ru

However, international law in any case is on the side of such prisoners who did not commit war crimes. As the human rights activist explained, international law, in particular the Second Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, requires a broad amnesty for the participants in such armed conflicts as the one that is de facto going on in the North Caucasus in order to achieve a speedy peaceful settlement.

From political to "you"

In addition to legal recognition, there has always been a problem with the informal status of political prisoners in prison.

AT late XIX century in the royal prisons there was a certain set of "political" privileges, partly due to the fact that among them there were many representatives of the privileged classes. We are talking mainly about heavy hard labor: the political were almost not involved in them, often kept separately from the criminal ones, the tradition of referring to the political as “you” also emphasized a special status.

In Soviet Russia, the regime of special political isolators of the 1920s was considered milder than in other institutions. There was a so-called political ration, which sometimes exceeded the state food allowance for ordinary prisoners, sometimes twice, and many other indulgences, depending on each insulator.

Of course, during the period of Stalinist repressions, after the "great terror" of 1937-1938, political prisoners lost their special status - political prisoners and criminals began to be kept in the same camps on general conditions. However, in the “vegetarian” times after the Khrushchev thaw, when dissidents from the Moscow and Leningrad intelligentsia became the main political prisoners in the country, the position of political prisoners improved again. The attention of the foreign public was often riveted to their fate, and the administration of prison institutions as a whole took care of such wards.

Everyone who has come across the modern Russian penitentiary system unanimously says that the article of the Criminal Code, according to which a person ended up in a colony, has practically no effect on relationships with cellmates.

The creator of the human rights project "Union of Prisoners" Maxim Gromov, who served three years in a colony for the action of the National Bolsheviks to seize in 2004, noted that there was no trace of respect for the political, which was observed during the time of Soviet dissidents. People who were in Soviet camps, according to Gromov, are surprised when they are told about the order and attitude towards politics in the current Russian colonies. Now the status of a person behind bars is more important for employees of the administrations of colonies or pre-trial detention centers. But even they, Gromov explained, have only one goal in relation to wards, criminal or political - to break, subjugate a person so that he no longer wants to return to the cell. Methods for each case are selected individually. “With regard to politics, the task is to convince you and those around you: your beliefs are worthless, you are an ordinary criminal who, at best, has done something bad out of error,” Gromov summarized the experience of dozens of imprisoned National Bolsheviks.

For the inhabitants of the prison world, regardless of the reasons for getting a person into prison, he must demonstrate the set of qualities necessary to recognize him as a "decent prisoner."

There is no unequivocal approach, Gromov said, and often a political prisoner, whose fate is riveted to the attention of society, may find himself in a conflict situation, become a victim of provocations, extortion, threats and bullying. However, any prisoner of domestic correctional institutions is not immune from this.

As for the problem of recognition and non-recognition of a particular prisoner as a political one, the author of the project "Union of Prisoners" notes that in this respect there are indeed many conflicting points of view in each specific case. When it comes to prisoners of conscience, who, according to common belief, knowingly did not commit crimes or were punished by the court disproportionately to the offense committed, the situation is more or less clear to all human rights activists.

Nevertheless, Gromov draws a dividing line between politically motivated crime and political struggle, even if it involves violence.

Image of Irish Republican Army member Bobby Sands. While a prisoner, he was elected to the British Parliament. Sands died in prison during a hunger strike for the rights of IRA prisoners

travelsquire.com

“The preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says: human rights must be protected by the rule of law so that he is not forced to resort as a last resort to rebellion against tyranny and oppression,” Gromov recalled. So, in his opinion, those who are accused, among other things, of killing law enforcement officers, in spite of everything, can be attributed to political prisoners, since they took up arms because they had no other opportunity to defend their rights.

Dmitry, a former prisoner of colony No. 3 in Lgov, Kursk region, agrees with: it all depends on how you put yourself. “There are people who are quarrelsome in themselves - it’s so difficult. It will also be difficult for that prisoner who in every possible way emphasizes his special status and the difference between him and the rest of the convicts. For someone who understands that if he ended up in a colony, then he is like everyone else, everything should be fine, ”Pronin told Gazeta.Ru. The head of the human rights project Gulagu.net agrees with this opinion: “You can be political or, like me, economic, but the main thing is not the article, but what kind of person you are. Of course, it is necessary to take into account the specifics of life in the colony, but in principle, if you are a normal person, then there should not be any special problems. At the same time, the human rights activist noted, their popularity in the wild and the close attention of the media often help political people. From the central office of the Federal Penitentiary Service or the regional department of the penitentiary service, an instruction is sent to the colony to take care of the prisoner. If something happens to him, it will be a big scandal and an inevitable trial, albeit, as is often the case, a formal one.

As a rule, in the colonies, even militants from the Caucasus are quite calm, Pronin assured, who spent 11 months in prison with a prisoner convicted of attacking employees: “His name was Dzhambek, he was convicted when he was a minor, so he received less than the rest of the gang members - 4 years of strict regime. He sat quietly, practically none of those with whom he was in the cell and the detachment did not feel hostility towards him. There was only one prisoner who tried not to communicate with him: this man fought in Chechnya, you can understand him.”

Journalist, former press secretary former president Mintimer Shaimiev of Tatarstan and a prisoner of the colony-settlement Digitli near Kazan, where he ended up for slandering the head of the republic and inciting hatred or enmity towards government officials, noted that political prisoners are quite helpful people: “I have seen this from my own experience. I have legal education I helped many people write complaints and other documents. Treated like a helpful person.”

It is more difficult for political prisoners who are in a pre-trial detention center.

Investigators or representatives of other law enforcement agencies, who are tasked with bringing this or that “unreliable” to justice at all costs, use the operatives of the isolation wards or ordinary employees to put pressure on the person under investigation.

Those, in turn, give instructions to suppress a person with the help of prisoners close to the administration. A classic example is how an anti-fascist was kept in the Mozhaisk SIZO, who was involved in the case of the pogrom of the Khimki administration and was accused of hooliganism, but was eventually acquitted. “I am sure that in the Mozhaisk SIZO, deliberate provocations were used against me by prisoners collaborating with the administration. In the first days of my stay in the isolation ward, the officers seized the phone from the cell. A cellmate close to the administration accused me of this. He demanded disproportionate money in compensation. It got to the point of a fight: they even threatened me with sharpening. Investigators and operatives who visited the pre-trial detention center periodically hinted that they could create such problems all the time, ”Gaskarov said.

The persons involved in the Bolotnaya case, who wrote to Gazeta.Ru, have not yet encountered such problems. According to Yaroslav Belousov, the prisoners' cellmates do not consider them guilty: "The local people do not consider us guilty even in comparison with themselves, despite the fact that each person tries to justify himself internally." “The special attitude of cellmates is manifested only in the form of increased interest, sometimes in a manifestation of sympathy,” said Mikhail Kosenko. But he stressed that, in principle, there are few political prisoners, therefore ordinary prisoners have not yet developed a special attitude towards such inmates.

This week, the Human Rights Council (HRC) held a special meeting on the topic "Public participation in countering extremism and terrorism." Speaking at this event, human rights activist Lev Ponomarev drew the attention of his colleagues to the problem of state extremism. The methods and actions of the state machine, aimed at combating terrorism and extremism, are such that they push citizens to radical behavior.

“Because the fight against terrorism and extremism serves as the basis for constant tightening in legislation and law enforcement aimed solely at curtailing civil liberties,” Ponomarev is sure.

In his speech, the human rights activist actually stated that in the pursuit of control over the situation, the authorities hastily pass laws that are often interpreted freely and used in the fight against political opponents and dissidents.

“The list of these laws includes articles 205.2 (calls for terrorism), 275 (treason), 280 (calls for extremism), 280.1 (calls for violation of territorial integrity), 282 (extremism), 148 (insulting the feelings of believers), 354.1 (rehabilitation Nazism) of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation,” Ponomarev noted.

Publication of data from open sources, likes and reposts in social networks, posting quotes of famous writers and excerpts from works, sending SMS messages, expressing one's political position, statements about one's religious affiliation, socio-political discussions, the struggle of civil activists for their rights, political activity - all this can make any of us a political prisoner tomorrow.

Understanding this topic, I decided to talk to those who were persecuted by the authorities for their active work. To find out what it's like to be a political prisoner in Russia now.

Who are you?

There are no universal criteria that determine who a political prisoner is and satisfy everyone in international law enforcement practice. Only in October 2012, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) bothered to adopt a resolution explaining what should be understood by the status of "political prisoner".

1. The arrest violates the basic guarantees of the European Convention on Human Rights, in particular with regard to the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion, freedom of expression and information, as well as freedom of assembly and association.
2. Arrest is imposed solely for political reasons.
3. The term or conditions of imprisonment are disproportionate to the gravity of the crime.
4. The arrest is discriminatory in comparison with other persons.
5. The conclusion was the result of legal proceedings that were clearly unfair and were associated with the political motives of the authorities.

“We clearly understand that due to lack of information, those people who are on our lists are only a part, a minority of those people who should fall under the status of a political prisoner,” the head of the program “Support for Political Prisoners and Persecuted Civilians” told Storm. activists” HRC “Memorial” Sergei Davidis. According to the human rights activist, conclusions about who is a political prisoner are made only on the basis of an analysis of the case. However, far from all cases, such an analysis is possible due to the lack of access to the materials.

In the lists of the human rights center "Memorial" 118 people have the status of a political prisoner. There is no single portrait, Davidis said.

“These are completely different people, different groups. And civic activists, and Crimean Tatars, and citizens of Ukraine, and people who wrote something bad about the government, and just civic activists who came into conflict with some local power elites in connection with infill development, scams with housing and communal services tariffs , environmental issues", he explained.

In turn, lawyer Dmitry Agranovsky claims that the situation has changed in recent years. The topic of political prisoners was monopolized by Bandera and outright traitors, as a result of which it became blurred and discredited.

“Normal political prisoners were like swamps or nazbols. Now this topic is being raised in connection with, for example, the case of Oleg Sentsov (Ukrainian director, sentenced to 20 years in a strict regime for preparing terrorist attacks on the territory of Crimea. - Note. "Storm"). Oleg Mironov, for example (Another Russia activist who sprayed gas from a spray can at Andrei Makarevich's concert; received three years in a strict regime colony. - Note. "Storm") - a 100% political prisoner who was completely inadequately prosecuted for the protest at Makarevich’s concert, none of the human rights organizations recognized him as a political prisoner,” the lawyer is indignant.

Despite different approaches to the criteria, one thing is for sure: if you are not involved in big politics and potentially do not pose a danger to the authorities, you will not be made a political prisoner.

Fight against the front of the discontented

One of the most striking political processes recent years can be called "swamp business". During the alleged riots on Bolotnaya Square on May 6, 2012, about 400 people were detained, about 30 criminal cases were initiated in connection with cases of violence against representatives of law enforcement agencies.

The main driving force and the most dangerous for the authorities in this whole process were representatives of the Left Front and the leader of the non-systemic left Sergey Udaltsov. The federal media persecuted the oppositionist and his associates, which ultimately led to the conclusion of Udaltsov in places not so distant for 4.5 years.

“Repressions are carried out pointwise. The most active people, the most opposition-minded, are being knocked out of the game. Those who are potentially dangerous to the authorities. Power is stupid. She very clearly analyzes and tracks those who are dangerous to her, ”Udaltsov told Storm. - Here the principle applies: there would be a person, but there will be an article. The government is cunning. Formally, there is neither the status of a political prisoner, nor political articles. But in reality they are. Those who are imprisoned under article 282, under articles like ours, for riots, some actions against government officials, police officers. The person was sentenced, seemingly formally, under a criminal article, and if you dig, read his case, talk with him, you can understand that the person suffered for his views, worldview, life position, civic activity.

According to the oppositionist, civil society in modern Russia is in a vice grip.

“Any step to the left, a step to the right is interpreted as a violation, and subsequently as a criminal act. Accordingly, a person for his political views can go to prison for several years. I don't wish this on anyone," he said.

Absurdity instead of judgment

Of no less interest is the trial of the so-called defendants in the referendum case for responsible government. In the summer of 2015, publicist and public figure Yuri Mukhin and his associates Valery Parfenov, Kirill Barabash and RBC journalist Alexander Sokolov were taken into custody. They were accused of continuing extremist activities as part of the banned organization "Army of the Will of the People." According to investigators, they set about creating initiative groups to hold a referendum on amendments to the Constitution and the adoption of the law “For Responsible Power”.

On August 10, 2017, the verdict was announced. Yuri Mukhin - four years probation, a year of restriction of freedom. Sokolov - 3.5 years in prison. Barabash - four years in prison and imprisonment military rank lieutenant colonel. Parfenov - four years in prison.

In a conversation with a Shtorm journalist, Yuri Mukhin spoke in detail and very emotionally about the political reprisals against activists.

“In our case, 130 people received salaries. These are operational workers in all areas of this center "E", two major generals. Everyone wrote, rewrote, installed surveillance, listened to phones. As a result, they overheard only one thing, that we were engaged in a referendum. And they need to solve the case. And they have done shit, ”Mukhin explained, emphasizing the lack of professionalism of judges and law enforcement agencies.

“We have a law that the government, of course, hates. The very idea. What we want to accept in a referendum. Responsibility Law. You have served your time - now the people should appreciate you. Whether you are satisfied or dissatisfied. Of course, this is the power across. But the situation now is such in law enforcement agencies that I don’t even put it in the first place. In the first place is idiocy! And the meanness of those who were recruited. The first investigator who opened a case against us is now under investigation himself, because it was he who transported those half a million dollars of bribes to release Shakro Molodoy. The head of the investigative body, his deputy, their names throughout the case, we are fired! Because they organized these bribes. And these people come out and judge! The worst fear is before the people, ”said the public figure.

No profit, no money. They didn't take bribes, they didn't steal. No one was raped, no one was killed. Why, they didn’t even go to the red light. What are you judged for? For trying to hold a referendum. And not only. RBC journalist Sokolov stands out in particular here. Literally before his arrest, he published devastating articles on the Sochi Olympics and the Vostochny cosmodrome. Who are they, if not political prisoners?

The case of the assassination attempt on Chubais

In the not so distant (within the framework of history) 2005, there was a trial in the case of an attempt on the life of the head of RAO UES and one of the authors of the liberal reforms of the 90s, Anatoly Chubais. The defendants are Vladimir Kvachkov, Colonel of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces, retired military servicemen of the Airborne Forces Alexander Naydenov and Robert Yashin, and Ivan Mironov, son of ex-head of the Press Ministry Boris Mironov. In those same years, he was an assistant to the State Duma deputy from the Motherland faction, Sergei Glazyev. The process took three years. It was not possible to prove the involvement of the defendants in the attempt.

Ivan Mironov shared his thoughts with Storm about political persecution in Russia. In his opinion, everyone who today is not built into the systemic opposition and is engaged in public politics is, to one degree or another, under the watchful eye of law enforcement agencies, under the yoke of criminal prosecution.

“There is a feeling that this is not done for the benefit of those in power, but vice versa. Because by destroying legal politics, burning out the information and political field, they actually create the preconditions for organizing a political underground. And then people will be forced to switch from legal methods to semi-legal and even illegal ones. Observing the most severe secrecy and so on, ”said the lawyer.

What is it for? Everything is very simple. “If the repressive apparatus is faced with the task of destroying, burning out, uprooting, they will successfully implement this,” the oppositionist believes. At the same time, he added that against his father, ex-minister of the press Boris Mironov, criminal cases are still being initiated on the part of extremism. The last sentence was last year - 100 thousand rubles fine for objectionable statements in a book written 10 years ago.

License to Break Laws

Excessive measures of repressive influence and the fight against any dissent are one of the most important criteria for political prisoners. The agony of power, which has nothing to offer its people. That's why she goes into all kinds of trouble. As long as no one else offers.

“Every self-respecting country should have them. This proves that we are an unbroken nation. If there is something to hook on, then they will hook it. It remains incomprehensible the invulnerability of Alexei Navalny, who has two convictions, for some reason conditional. In all of Russian history, there is not a single case where a person spent one night in a pre-trial detention center, and in the morning he would be released, replacing the sentence with a suspended sentence, ”one of the most prominent non-systemic politicians of the 90s and zero, the founder of the now banned NBP, told Storm and the leader of the Other Russia, Eduard Limonov.

“Our country is absolutist. It is clear. You can't engage in politics here, that's what the government thinks. You have to behave properly. At least I knew what I was in for. I got very little - four years, because all the other articles could not prove it. But I got all the same for organizing an attempted coup in Northern Kazakhstan in order to annex it to Russia. I believe that the order is still due to me for this and someday they will give it posthumously, ”Limonov mocked.

State policy today is aimed at finding enemies. Perhaps this would even make sense if they were really looking for enemies. But not by building, but by countries. Law enforcement agencies are faced with the task of finding and planting. Find, plant. But not always those who deserve it.